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いわゆる鳩山論文

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「私の政治哲学」 鳩山由紀夫

 

党人派・鳩山一郎の旗印

 現代の日本人に好まれている言葉の一つが「愛」だが、これは普通loveのことだ。そのため、私が「友愛」を語るのを聞いてなんとなく柔弱な印象を受ける人が多いようだ。しかし私の言う「友愛」はこれとは異なる概念である。それはフランス革命のスローガン「自由・平等・博愛」の博愛=フラタナティ(fraternite)のことを指す。
 祖父鳩山一郎が、クーデンホフ・カレルギーの著書を翻訳して出版したとき、このフラタナティを博愛ではなくて友愛と訳した。それは柔弱どころか、革命の旗印ともなった戦闘的概念なのである。
 クーデンホフ・カレルギーは、今から八十五年前の大正十二年(一九二三年)『汎ヨーロッパ』という著書を刊行し、今日のEUにつながる汎ヨーロッパ運動の提唱者となった。彼は日本公使をしていたオーストリア貴族と麻布の骨董商の娘青山光子の次男として生まれ、栄次郎という日本名ももっていた。
 カレルギーは昭和十年(一九三五年)『Totalitarian State Against Man (全体主義国家対人間)』と題する著書を出版した。それはソ連共産主義とナチス国家社会主義に対する激しい批判と、彼らの侵出を許した資本主義の放恣に対する深刻な反省に満ちている。
 カレルギーは、「自由」こそ人間の尊厳の基礎であり、至上の価値と考えていた。そして、それを保障するものとして私有財産制度を擁護した。その一方で、資本主義が深刻な社会的不平等を生み出し、それを温床とする「平等」への希求が共産主義を生み、さらに資本主義と共産主義の双方に対抗するものとして国家社会主義を生み出したことを、彼は深く憂いた。
 「友愛が伴わなければ、自由は無政府状態の混乱を招き、平等は暴政を招く」
 ひたすら平等を追う全体主義も、放縦に堕した資本主義も、結果として人間の尊厳を冒し、本来目的であるはずの人間を手段と化してしまう。人間にとって重要でありながら自由も平等もそれが原理主義に陥るとき、それがもたらす惨禍は計り知れない。それらが人間の尊厳を冒すことがないよう均衡を図る理念が必要であり、カレルギーはそれを「友愛」に求めたのである。
  「人間は目的であって手段ではない。国家は手段であって目的ではない」
 彼の『全体主義国家対人間』は、こういう書き出しで始まる。
 カレルギーがこの書物を構想しているころ、二つの全体主義がヨーロッパを席捲し、祖国オーストリアはヒットラーによる併合の危機に晒されていた。彼はヨーロッパ中を駆け巡って、汎ヨーロッパを説き、反ヒットラー、反スターリンを鼓吹した。しかし、その奮闘もむなしくオーストリアはナチスのものとなり、彼は、やがて失意のうちにアメリカに亡命することとなる。映画『カサブランカ』は、カレルギーの逃避行をモデルにしたものだという。
 カレルギーが「友愛革命」を説くとき、それは彼が同時代において直面した、左右の全体主義との激しい戦いを支える戦闘の理論だったのである。
 戦後、首相の地位を目前にして公職追放となった鳩山一郎は、浪々の徒然にカレルギーの書物を読み、とりわけ共感を覚えた『全体主義国家対人間』を自ら翻訳し、『自由と人生』という書名で出版した。鋭い共産主義批判者であり、かつ軍部主導の計画経済(統制経済)に対抗した鳩山一郎にとって、この書は、戦後日本に吹き荒れるマルクス主義勢力(社会、共産両党や労働運動)の攻勢に抗し、健全な議会制民主主義を作り上げる上で、最も共感できる理論体系に見えたのだろう。
 鳩山一郎は、一方で勢いを増す社共両党に対抗しつつ、他方で官僚派吉田政権を打ち倒し、党人派鳩山政権を打ち立てる旗印として「友愛」を掲げたのである。彼の筆になる『友愛青年同志会綱領』(昭和二十八年)はその端的な表明だった。
 「われわれは自由主義の旗のもとに友愛革命に挺身し、左右両翼の極端なる思想を排除して、健全明朗なる民主社会の実現と自主独立の文化国家の建設に邁進する」
 彼の「友愛」の理念は、戦後保守政党の底流に脈々として生きつづけた。六十年安保を経て、自民党は労使協調政策に大きく舵を切り、それが日本の高度経済成長を支える基礎となった。その象徴が昭和四十年(一九六五年)に綱領的文書として作成された『自民党基本憲章』である。
 その第一章は「人間の尊重」と題され、「人間はその存在が尊いのであり、つねにそれ自体が目的であり、決して手段であってはならない」と記されている。労働運動との融和を謳った『自民党労働憲章』にも同様の表現がある。明らかに、カレルギーの著書からの引用であり、鳩山一郎の友愛論に影響を受けたものだろう。この二つの憲章は、鳩山、石橋内閣の樹立に貢献し、池田内閣労相として日本に労使協調路線を確立した石田博英によって起草されたものである。

自民党一党支配の終焉と民主党立党宣言

 戦後、自民党が内外の社会主義陣営に対峙し、日本の復興と高度経済成長の達成に尽くしたことは大きな功績であり、歴史的評価に値する。しかし、冷戦終焉後も経済成長自体が国家目標であるかのような惰性の政治に陥り、変化する時代環境の中で国民生活の質的向上を目指す政策に転換できない事態が続いた。その一方で政官業の癒着がもたらす政治腐敗が自民党の宿痾となった観があった。
 私は、冷戦が終ったとき、高度成長を支えた自民党の歴史的役割も終わり、新たな責任勢力が求められていると痛感した。そして祖父が創設した自民党を離党し、新党さきがけの結党に参加し、やがて自ら党首となって民主党を設立するに至った。
 平成八年九月十一日「(旧)民主党」結党。その「立党宣言」に言う。
 「私たちがこれから社会の根底に据えたいと思っているのは『友愛』の精神である。自由は弱肉強食の放埒に陥りやすく、平等は『出る釘は打たれる』式の悪平等に堕落しかねない。その両者のゆきすぎを克服するのが友愛であるけれども、それはこれまでの一〇〇年間はあまりに軽視されてきた。二〇世紀までの近代国家は、人々を国民として動員するのに急で、そのために人間を一山いくらで計れるような大衆(マス)としてしか扱わなかったからである。
 私たちは、一人ひとりの人間は限りなく多様な個性をもった、かけがえのない存在であり、だからこそ自らの運命を自ら決定する権利をもち、またその選択の結果に責任を負う義務があるという『個の自立』の原理と同時に、そのようなお互いの自立性と異質性をお互いに尊重しあったうえで、なおかつ共感しあい一致点を求めて協働するという『他との共生』の原理を重視したい。そのような自立と共生の原理は、日本社会の中での人間と人間の関係だけでなく、日本と世界の関係、人間と自然の関係にも同じように貫かれなくてはならない」。
 武者小路実篤は「君は君、我は我也、されど仲良き」という有名な言葉を残している。「友愛」とは、まさにこのような姿勢で臨むことなのだ。
 「自由」や「平等」が時代環境とともにその表現と内容を進化させていくように、人間の尊厳を希求する「友愛」もまた時代環境とともに進化していく。私は、カレルギーや祖父一郎が対峙した全体主義国家の終焉を見た当時、「友愛」を「自立と共生の原理」と再定義したのである。
 そしてこの日から十三年が経過した。この間、冷戦後の日本は、アメリカ発のグローバリズムという名の市場原理主義に翻弄されつづけた。至上の価値であるはずの「自由」、その「自由の経済的形式」である資本主義が原理的に追求されていくとき、人間は目的ではなく手段におとしめられ、その尊厳を失う。金融危機後の世界で、われわれはこのことに改めて気が付いた。道義と節度を喪失した金融資本主義、市場至上主義にいかにして歯止めをかけ、国民経済と国民生活を守っていくか。それが今われわれに突きつけられている課題である。
 この時にあたって、私は、かつてカレルギーが自由の本質に内在する危険を抑止する役割を担うものとして、「友愛」を位置づけたことをあらためて想起し、再び「友愛の旗印」を掲げて立とうと決意した。平成二十一年五月十六日、民主党代表選挙に臨んで、私はこう言った。
 「自ら先頭に立って、同志の皆さんとともに、一丸となって難局を打開し、共に生きる社会『友愛社会』をつくるために、必ず政権交代を成し遂げたい」
 私にとって「友愛」とは何か。それは政治の方向を見極める羅針盤であり、政策を決定するときの判断基準である。そして、われわれが目指す「自立と共生の時代」を支える時代精神たるべきものと信じている。

衰弱した「公」の領域を復興

 現時点においては、「友愛」は、グローバル化する現代資本主義の行き過ぎを正し、伝統の中で培われてきた国民経済との調整を目指す理念と言えよう。それは、市場至上主義から国民の生活や安全を守る政策に転換し、共生の経済社会を建設することを意味する。
 言うまでもなく、今回の世界経済危機は、冷戦終焉後アメリカが推し進めてきた市場原理主義、金融資本主義の破綻によってもたらされたものである。米国のこうした市場原理主義や金融資本主義は、グローバルエコノミーとかグローバリゼーションとかグローバリズムとか呼ばれた。
 米国的な自由市場経済が、普遍的で理想的な経済秩序であり、諸国はそれぞれの国民経済の伝統や規制を改め、経済社会の構造をグローバルスタンダード(実はアメリカンスタンダード)に合わせて改革していくべきだという思潮だった。
 日本の国内でも、このグローバリズムの流れをどのように受け入れていくか、これを積極的に受け入れ、全てを市場に委ねる行き方を良しとする人たちと、これに消極的に対応し、社会的な安全網(セーフティネット)の充実や国民経済的な伝統を守ろうという人たちに分かれた。小泉政権以来の自民党は前者であり、私たち民主党はどちらかというと後者の立場だった。
 各国の経済秩序(国民経済)は年月をかけて出来上がってきたもので、その国の伝統、慣習、国民生活の実態を反映したものだ。したがって世界各国の国民経済は、歴史、伝統、慣習、経済規模や発展段階など、あまりにも多様なものなのである。グローバリズムは、そうした経済外的諸価値や環境問題や資源制約などを一切無視して進行した。小国の中には、国民経済がおおきな打撃を被り、伝統的な産業が壊滅した国さえあった。
 資本や生産手段はいとも簡単に国境を越えて移動できる。しかし、人は簡単には移動できないものだ。市場の論理では「人」というものは「人件費」でしかないが、実際の世の中では、その「人」が地域共同体を支え、生活や伝統や文化を体現している。人間の尊厳は、そうした共同体の中で、仕事や役割を得て家庭を営んでいく中で保持される。
 冷戦後の今日までの日本社会の変貌を顧みると、グローバルエコノミーが国民経済を破壊し、市場至上主義が社会を破壊してきた過程と言っても過言ではないだろう。郵政民営化は、長い歴史を持つ郵便局とそれを支えてきた人々の地域社会での伝統的役割をあまりにも軽んじ、郵便局の持つ経済外的価値や共同体的価値を無視し、市場の論理によって一刀両断にしてしまったのだ。
 農業や環境や医療など、われわれの生命と安全にかかわる分野の経済活動を、無造作にグローバリズムの奔流の中に投げ出すような政策は、「友愛」の理念からは許されるところではない。また生命の安全や生活の安定に係るルールや規制はむしろ強化しなければならない。
 グローバリズムが席巻するなかで切り捨てられてきた経済外的な諸価値に目を向け、人と人との絆の再生、自然や環境への配慮、福祉や医療制度の再構築、教育や子どもを育てる環境の充実、格差の是正などに取り組み、「国民一人ひとりが幸せを追求できる環境を整えていくこと」が、これからの政治の責任であろう。
 この間、日本の伝統的な公共の領域は衰弱し、人々からお互いの絆が失われ、公共心も薄弱となった。現代の経済社会の活動には「官」「民」「公」「私」の別がある。官は行政、民は企業、私は個人や家庭だ。公はかつての町内会活動や今のNPO活動のような相互扶助的な活動を指す。経済社会が高度化し、複雑化すればするほど、行政や企業や個人には手の届かない部分が大きくなっていく。経済先進国であるほど、NPOなどの非営利活動が大きな社会的役割を担っているのはそのためだといえる。それは「共生」の基盤でもある。それらの活動は、GDPに換算されないものだが、われわれが真に豊かな社会を築こうというとき、こうした公共領域の非営利的活動、市民活動、社会活動の層の厚さが問われる。
 「友愛」の政治は、衰弱した日本の「公」の領域を復興し、また新たなる公の領域を創造し、それを担う人々を支援していく。そして人と人との絆を取り戻し、人と人が助け合い、人が人の役に立つことに生きがいを感じる社会、そうした「共生の社会」を創ることをめざす。
 財政の危機は確かに深刻だ。しかし「友愛」の政治は、財政の再建と福祉制度の再構築を両立させる道を、慎重かつ着実に歩むことをめざす。財政再建を、社会保障政策の一律的抑制や切捨てによって達成しようという、また消費税増税によって短兵急に達成しようという財務省主導の財政再建論には与しない。
 財政の危機は、長年の自民党政権の失政に帰するものである。それは、官僚主導の中央集権政治とその下でのバラマキ政治、無批判なグローバリズム信仰が生んだセーフティネットの破綻と格差の拡大、政官業癒着の政治がもたらした政府への信頼喪失など、日本の経済社会の危機の反映なのである。
 したがって、財政危機の克服は、われわれがこの国のかたちを地域主権国家に変え、徹底的な行財政改革を断行し、年金はじめ社会保障制度の持続可能性についての国民の信頼を取り戻すこと、つまり政治の根本的な立て直しの努力を抜きにしてはなしえない課題なのである。

地域主権国家の確立

 私は、代表選挙の立候補演説において「私が最も力を入れたい政策」は「中央集権国家である現在の国のかたちを『地域主権の国』に変革」することだと言った。同様の主張は、十三年前の旧民主党結党宣言にも書いた。「小さな中央政府・国会と、大きな権限をもった効率的な地方政府による『地方分権・地域主権国家』」を実現し、「そのもとで、市民参加・地域共助型の充実した福祉と、将来にツケを回さない財政・医療・年金制度を両立させていく」のだと。
 クーデンホフ・カレルギーの「友愛革命」(『全体主義国家対人間』第十二章)の中にこういう一説がある。
 「友愛主義の政治的必須条件は連邦組織であって、それは実に、個人から国家をつくり上げる有機的方法なのである。人間から宇宙に至る道は同心円を通じて導かれる。すなわち人間が家族をつくり、家族が自治体(コミューン)をつくり、自治体が郡(カントン)をつくり、郡が州(ステイト)をつくり、州が大陸をつくり、大陸が地球をつくり、地球が太陽系をつくり、太陽系が宇宙をつくり出すのである」
 カレルギーがここで言っているのは、今の言葉で言えば「補完性の原理」ということだろう。それは「友愛」の論理から導かれる現代的政策表現ということができる。
 経済のグローバル化は避けられない時代の現実だ。しかし、経済的統合が進むEUでは、一方でローカル化ともいうべき流れも顕著である。ベルギーの連邦化やチェコとスロバキアの分離独立などはその象徴である。
 グローバル化する経済環境の中で、伝統や文化の基盤としての国あるいは地域の独自性をどう維持していくか。それはEUのみならず、これからの日本にとっても大きな課題である。
 グローバル化とローカル化という二つの背反する時代の要請への回答として、EUはマーストリヒト条約やヨーロッパ地方自治憲章において「補完性の原理」を掲げた。
 補完性の原理は、今日では、単に基礎自治体優先の原則というだけでなく、国家と超国家機関との関係にまで援用される原則となっている。こうした視点から、補完性の原理を解釈すると以下のようになる。
 個人でできることは、個人で解決する。個人で解決できないことは、家庭が助ける。家庭で解決できないことは、地域社会やNPOが助ける。これらのレベルで解決できないときに初めて行政がかかわることになる。そして基礎自治体で処理できることは、すべて基礎自治体でやる。基礎自治体ができないことだけを広域自治体がやる。広域自治体でもできないこと、たとえば外交、防衛、マクロ経済政策の決定など、を中央政府が担当する。そして次の段階として、通貨の発行権など国家主権の一部も、EUのような国際機構に移譲する……。
 補完性の原理は、実際の分権政策としては、基礎自治体重視の分権政策ということになる。われわれが友愛の現代化を模索するとき、必然的に補完性の原理に立脚した「地域主権国家」の確立に行き届く。
 道州制の是非を含む今後の日本の地方制度改革においては、伝統や文化の基盤としての自治体の規模はどうあるべきか、住民による自治が有効に機能する自治体の規模はどうあるべきか、という視点を忘れてはならない。
私は民主党代表選挙の際の演説でこう語った。
 「国の役割を、外交・防衛、財政・金融、資源・エネルギー、環境等に限定し、生活に密着したことは権限、財源、人材を『基礎的自治体』に委譲し、その地域の判断と責任において決断し、実行できる仕組みに変革します。国の補助金は廃止し、地方に自主財源として一括交付します。すなわち、国と地域の関係を現在の実質上下関係から並列の関係、役割分担の関係へと変えていきます。この変革により、国全体の効率を高め、地域の実情に応じたきめの細かい、生活者の立場にたった行政に変革します」
 身近な基礎自治体に財源と権限を大幅に移譲し、サービスと負担の関係が見えやすいものとすることによって、はじめて地域の自主性、自己責任、自己決定能力が生れる。それはまた地域の経済活動を活力あるものにし、個性的で魅力にとんだ美しい日本列島を創る道でもある。
 「地域主権国家」の確立こそは、とりもなおさず「友愛」の現代的政策表現」であり、これからの時代の政治目標にふさわしいものだ。

ナショナリズムを抑える東アジア共同体

 「友愛」が導くもう一つの国家目標は「東アジア共同体」の創造であろう。もちろん、日米安保体制は、今後も日本外交の基軸でありつづけるし、それは紛れもなく重要な日本外交の柱である。同時にわれわれは、アジアに位置する国家としてのアイデンティティを忘れてはならないだろう。経済成長の活力に溢れ、ますます緊密に結びつきつつある東アジア地域を、わが国が生きていく基本的な生活空間と捉えて、この地域に安定した経済協力と安全保障の枠組みを創る努力を続けなくてはならない。
 今回のアメリカの金融危機は、多くの人に、アメリカ一極時代の終焉を予感させ、またドル基軸通貨体制の永続性への懸念を抱かせずにはおかなかった。私も、イラク戦争の失敗と金融危機によってアメリカ主導のグローバリズムの時代は終焉し、世界はアメリカ一極支配の時代から多極化の時代に向かうだろうと感じている。しかし、今のところアメリカに代わる覇権国家は見当たらないし、ドルに代わる基軸通貨も見当たらない。一極時代から多極時代に移るとしても、そのイメージは曖昧であり、新しい世界の政治と経済の姿がはっきり見えないことがわれわれを不安にしている。それがいま私たちが直面している危機の本質ではないか。
 アメリカは今後影響力を低下させていくが、今後二、三〇年は、その軍事的経済的な実力は世界の第一人者のままだろう。また圧倒的な人口規模を有する中国が、軍事力を拡大しつつ、経済超大国化していくことも不可避の趨勢だ。日本が経済規模で中国に凌駕される日はそう遠くはない。
覇権国家でありつづけようと奮闘するアメリカと、覇権国家たらんと企図する中国の狭間で、日本は、いかにして政治的経済的自立を維持し、国益を守っていくのか。これからの日本の置かれた国際環境は容易ではない。
 これは、日本のみならず、アジアの中小規模国家が同様に思い悩んでいるところでもある。この地域の安定のためにアメリカの軍事力を有効に機能させたいが、その政治的経済的放恣はなるべく抑制したい、身近な中国の軍事的脅威を減少させながら、その巨大化する経済活動の秩序化を図りたい。これは、この地域の諸国家のほとんど本能的要請であろう。それは地域的統合を加速させる大きな要因でもある。
 そして、マルクス主義とグローバリズムという、良くも悪くも、超国家的な政治経済理念が頓挫したいま、再びナショナリズムが諸国家の政策決定を大きく左右する時代となった。数年前の中国の反日暴動に象徴されるように、インターネットの普及は、ナショナリズムとポピュリズムの結合を加速し、時として制御不能の政治的混乱を引き起こしかねない。
 そうした時代認識に立つとき、われわれは、新たな国際協力の枠組みの構築をめざすなかで、各国の過剰なナショナリズムを克服し、経済協力と安全保障のルールを創りあげていく道を進むべきであろう。ヨーロッパと異なり、人口規模も発展段階も政治体制も異なるこの地域に、経済的な統合を実現することは、一朝一夕にできることではない。しかし、日本が先行し、韓国、台湾、香港がつづき、ASEANと中国が果たした高度経済成長の延長線上には、やはり地域的な通貨統合、「アジア共通通貨」の実現を目標としておくべきであり、その背景となる東アジア地域での恒久的な安全保障の枠組みを創出する努力を惜しんではならない。
 今やASEAN、日本、中国(含む香港)、韓国、台湾のGDP合計額は世界の四分の一となり、東アジアの経済的力量と相互依存関係の拡大と深化は、かつてない段階に達しており、この地域には経済圏として必要にして十分な下部構造が形成されている。しかし、この地域の諸国家間には、歴史的文化的な対立と安全保障上の対抗関係が相俟って、政治的には多くの困難を抱えていることもまた事実だ。
 しかし、軍事力増強問題、領土問題など地域的統合を阻害している諸問題は、それ自体を日中、日韓などの二国間で交渉しても解決不能なものなのであり、二国間で話し合おうとすればするほど双方の国民感情を刺激し、ナショナリズムの激化を招きかねないものなのである。地域的統合を阻害している問題は、じつは地域的統合の度合いを進める中でしか解決しないという逆説に立っている。たとえば地域的統合が領土問題を風化させるのはEUの経験で明らかなところだ。
 私は「新憲法試案」(平成十七年)を作成したとき、その「前文」に、これからの半世紀を見据えた国家目標を掲げて、次のように述べた。
 「私たちは、人間の尊厳を重んじ、平和と自由と民主主義の恵沢を全世界の人々とともに享受することを希求し、世界、とりわけアジア太平洋地域に恒久的で普遍的な経済社会協力及び集団的安全保障の制度が確立されることを念願し、不断の努力を続けることを誓う」
 私は、それが日本国憲法の理想とした平和主義、国際協調主義を実践していく道であるとともに、米中両大国のあいだで、わが国の政治的経済的自立を守り、国益に資する道でもある、と信じる。またそれはかつてカレルギーが主張した「友愛革命」の現代的展開でもあるのだ。
 こうした方向感覚からは、例えば今回の世界金融危機後の対応も、従来のIMF、世界銀行体制の単なる補強だけではなく、将来のアジア共通通貨の実現を視野に入れた対応が導かれるはずだ。
 アジア共通通貨の実現には今後十年以上の歳月を要するだろう。それが政治的統合をもたらすまでには、さらなる歳月が必要であろう。世界経済危機が深刻化な状況下で、これを迂遠な議論と思う人もいるかもしれない。しかし、われわれが直面している世界が混沌として不透明で不安定であればあるほど、政治は、高く大きな目標を掲げて国民を導いていかなければならない。
 いまわれわれは、世界史の転換点に立っており、国内的な景気対策に取り組むだけでなく、世界の新しい政治、経済秩序をどうつくり上げていくのか、その決意と構想力を問われているのである。
 今日においては「EUの父」と讃えられるクーデンホフ・カレルギーが、八十五年前に『汎ヨーロッパ』を刊行した時の言葉がある。彼は言った。

 「すべての偉大な歴史的出来事は、ユートピアとして始まり、現実として終わった」、そして、「一つの考えがユートピアにとどまるか、現実となるかは、それを信じる人間の数と実行力にかかっている」と。

―Voice 9月号掲載

Monthly journal "Voice" September Issue
Aug 10th, 2009

"My Political Philosophy"
Yukio Hatoyama

The Banner of Party Politician Ichiro Hatoyama
Among Japanese people today, "ai" is a particularly popular word which is usually translated as 'love'. Therefore, when I speak of "yuai", which is written with the characters for 'friendship' and 'love', many people seem to picture a concept that is soft and weak. However, when I speak of yuai, I am referring to a concept that is actually rather different. What I am referring to is fraternity, as in libert?, ?galit?, fraternit?, the slogan of the French Revolution. When my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama translated one of the works of Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi into Japanese, he rendered the word fraternity as "yuai" rather than the existing translation of "hakuai". Therefore, when I refer to yuai, I am not referring to something tender but rather to a strong, combative concept that was a banner of revolution. 85 years ago, in 1923, Count Coudenhove-Kalergi published his work Pan-Europa, starting off the Pan-Europa Movement which eventually led to the formation of the European Union. Count Coudenhove-Kalergi was the son of an Austrian noble, who was posted to Japan as his country's minister, and Mitsuko Aoyama, the daughter of an antiques dealer from Azabu, Tokyo. One of the count's middle names was the Japanese name Eijiro.

In 1935, Count Coudenhove-Kalergi published The Totalitarian State against Man. The work includes severe criticisms of Soviet communism and Nazism as well as the reflections on the self-indulgence of capitalism in leaving such ideologies to flourish. Coudenhove-Kalergi believed that freedom forms the foundation of human dignity and that it is therefore unsurpassed in value. In order to guarantee freedom, he advocated a system of private ownership. However, he was despondent at how the severe social inequalities produced by capitalism had helped give rise to communism by creating an environment in which people aspired to equality, and also at how this had resulted in the emergence of national socialism as an alternative to both capitalism and communism. "Freedom without fraternity leads to anarchy. Equality without fraternity leads to tyranny"(Translation of the quote in Japanese). Coudenhove-Kalergi discussed how both totalitarianism, which tried to achieve equality at all costs, and capitalism, which had fallen into self-indulgence, resulted in disregard for human dignity and as such resulted in the treatment of human beings as a means instead of an end. Although freedom and a quality are important for human beings, if they are followed to fundamentalist extremes, they can both result in immeasurable horrors. Therefore, Coudenhove-Kalergi recognized the necessity of a concept that could achieve a balance and maintain respect for humanity. That is what he sought in the idea of fraternity.
"Man is an end and not a means. The state is a means and not an end". These are the first lines of The Totalitarian State against Man. At the time Coudenhove-Kalergi was putting ideas together for this publication, two different forms of totalitarianism were prominent in Europe, and his home country of Austria was being threatened with annexation by Hitler's Germany. Coudenhove-Kalergi traveled all around Europe advocating the cause of Pan-Europeanism and criticizing Hitler and Stalin.  However, his efforts were in vain. Austria fell to the Nazis and Coudenhove-Kalergi was forced to flee in disappointed exile to the United States. The movie Casablanca is said to be based on his flight. When Coudenhove-Kalergi talks of a "fraternal revolution", he is referring to the combative philosophy that supported the fierce fight against both the left-wing and right-wing totalitarianism of that age. After the war, Ichiro Hatoyama, who was exiled from public office just as he was on the point of becoming Prime Minister, read the works of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi as he was living his enforced life of leisure. He was so struck by The Totalitarian State against Man that he took it upon himself to translate it into Japanese. His translation was published under the title Jiyu to Jinsei (Freedom and Life).

For Ichiro, who was an ardent critic of both communism and military led planned economies, The Totalitarian State against Man seemed to provide the most appropriate theoretical system for fighting back against the popularity of Marxism that began to swell in post-war Japan (the Socialist party, Communist party and labor movements) and for building a healthy parliamentary democracy. While fighting against the growing influence of the socialist and communist parties, Ichiro Hatoyama used word yuai (fraternity) as a banner in trying to bring down the bureaucrat-led government of Shigeru Yoshida and replace it with his own administration of party politicians. This was expressed succinctly by Hatoyama in the Yuai Seinen Doshikai Kouryo (Young People's Fraternal Association Mission Statement), which Ichiro Hatoyama wrote in 1953. "Under the banner of liberalism, we will devote ourselves to a Fraternal Revolution, avoid extreme left wing and right wing ideologies, and work steadfastly to achieve a healthy and vibrant democratic society and build a free and independent cultural nation."

Ichiro Hatoyama's concept of fraternity continued to have influence as an undercurrent within Japan's post-war conservative political parties. Following the revision of the Japan-US security treaty in 1960, the Liberal Democratic Party changed direction significantly and began to prioritize policies of management-labor conciliation. These policies formed the foundation for Japan's period of rapid economic growth and are best symbolized by the LDP Basic Charter, a 1965 document which was written to serve as a kind of mission statement. The first chapter of this charter, which is entitled "Human Dignity", states, " human lives are precious, and are an end in and of themselves. The lives of human beings must never become a means". A similar phrase can be found in the LDP Labor Charter, a document which called for reconciliation with the labor movement. These phrases are clearly borrowed from the work of Coudenhove-Kalergi, and were very likely influenced by Ichiro Hatoyama's thinking on the subject of fraternity. These two charters contributed to the establishment of the Hatoyama and Ishibashi cabinets, and were both drafted by Hirohide Ishida, a politician who served as Labor minister in the Ikeda Cabinet and was responsible for setting Japan on a course towards conciliatory labor-management policies.


The End of LDP One-Party Rule and the Announcement of the Democratic Party of Japan
In the Post-War Period, the LDP confronted socialist forces inside and outside Japan and dedicated itself to Japan's reconstruction and the achievement of high economic growth. These were noteworthy achievements which deserve their place in history. However, even after the end of the Cold War, the LDP fell into the trap of "the politics of inertia", and continued to act as if economic growth in itself was Japan's national goal. The party continually failed to adapt to the changing contemporary environment and shift towards policies designed to qualitatively improve people's lives. At the same time, unhealthy ties between politicians, bureaucrats and corporations continually led to political corruption, a long-standing illness of the LDP. When the Cold War came to an end, I strongly felt that the historical role the LDP had played in supporting Japan's rapid economic growth had come to an end, and that the time had come for a new seat of political responsibility.

Therefore, I left the LDP, which had been founded by my grandfather, and after participating in the establishment of the New Party Sakigake, I eventually became the founding leader of the Democratic Party of Japan. The (former) DPJ was founded on September 11, 1996. The following phrases were included in the statement released to mark the founding of the party. "From today onwards, we wish to place the spirit of fraternity at the heart of our society. Freedom can often result in an unrestrained environment where the strong prey upon the weak. Equality can easily result in a malevolent form of equality where all differences are criticized. Fraternity is the power that can prevent such extremes of freedom and equality yet over the past 100 or so years the power of fraternity has been marginalized. Modern nations up until the 20th century rushed to mobilized their people and in doing so tended to assess their worth as a single mass [rather than as individuals]. …… We believe that each individual human being has a boundless, diverse individuality and that each human life is irreplaceable. That is why we believe in the principle of 'self independence' through which each individual has the right to decide upon their own destiny and the obligation to take responsibility for the results of their choices. At the same time, we also stress the importance of the principle of 'coexistence with others' under which people respect each other's mutual independence and differences while also working to understand each other and seek common ground for cooperative action. We believe that we must steadfastly adhere to these principles of independence and coexistence not only in the context of personal relationships within Japanese society but also in the context of the relationships between Japan and other nations and the relationship between humankind and the environment."

Author Saneatsu Mushanokoji wrote the famous words "I am me, you are you, yet we are good friends". I think these words truly express the spirit of fraternity. Just as the ideals of freedom and equality evolve with the contemporary environment, in terms of both their expression and their content, the idea of 'fraternity', which calls on us to respect individuals, also evolves with the times. When I saw the collapse of the totalitarian regimes that both Coudenhove-Kalergi and my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama had opposed, I redefined my understanding of fraternity as 'the principle of independence and coexistence'".

13 years have now passed since we formed of the former Democratic Party of Japan. During the time since then, post-cold war Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds of market fundamentalism in a US-led movement which is more usually called globalization. Freedom is supposed to be the highest of all values but in the fundamentalist pursuit of capitalism, which can be described as 'freedom formalized in economic terms', has resulted in people being treated not as an end but as a means. Consequently human dignity has been lost. The recent financial crisis and its aftermath have once again forced us to take note of this reality. How can we put an end to unrestrained market fundamentalism and financial capitalism that are void of morals or moderation in order to protect the finances and livelihoods of our citizens? That is the issue we are now facing. In these times, I realized that we must once again remember the role for fraternity identified by Coudenhove-Kalergi as a force for the moderating the danger inherent within freedom. I came to a decision that we must once again raise the banner of fraternity. On May 16, 2009, in the run-up to the DPJ leadership election, I made the following statement: "I will take the lead in coming together with our friends and colleagues to overcome this difficult situation and ensure that we achieve a change of government in order to bring about a fraternal society based on coexistence." What does fraternity mean to me? It is the compass that determines our political direction, a yardstick for deciding our policies. I believe it is also the spirit that supports our attempts to achieve 'an era of independence and coexistence'.


Restoring the Weakened Sphere of Public Service
In our present times, fraternity can be described as a principle that aims to adjust to the excesses of the current globalized brand of capitalism and make adjustments to accommodate the local economic practices that have been fostered through our traditions. In other words, it is a means of building an economic society based on coexistence by switching away from the policies of market fundamentalism and towards policies that protect the livelihoods and safety of the people.

It goes without saying that the recent worldwide economic crisis was brought about by the collapse of market fundamentalism and financial capitalism that the United States has advocated since the end of the Cold War. This US-led market fundamentalism and financial capitalism went by many names including the "global economy", "globalization" and "globalism". This way of thinking was based on the principle that American-style free-market economics represents a universal and ideal economic order and that all countries should modify the traditions and regulations governing their own economy in order to reform the structure of their economic society in line with global standards (or rather American standards). In Japan, opinion was divided on how far the trend towards globalization should be taken on board. Some people advocated the active embrace of globalism and supported leaving everything up to the dictates of the market. Others favored a more reticent approach, believing that effort should be made instead to expand the social safety net and protect our traditional economic activities. Since the administration of Prime Minister Koizumi, the LDP has stressed the former while we in the DPJ have tended towards the latter position.

The economic order or local economic activities in any country are built up over long years and reflect the influence of each country's traditions, habits and national lifestyles. Therefore, the economic activities of individual countries are very diverse due to many factors including the differences of history, tradition, habits, economic scale and stage of development. However, globalism progressed without any regard for various non-economic values, nor of environmental issues or problems of resource restriction. The economic activities of citizens in small countries were severely damaged, and in some countries globalism has even destroyed traditional industries. Capital and means of production can now be transferred easily across international borders. However, people cannot move so easily. In terms of market theory, people are simply personnel expenses, but in the real world people support the fabric of the local community and are the physical embodiment of its lifestyle, traditions and culture. An individual gains respect as a person by acquiring a job and a role within the local community and being able to maintain their family's livelihood.

If we look back on the changes in Japanese society that have occurred since the end of the Cold War, I believe it is no exaggeration to say that the global economy has damaged traditional economic activities and market fundamentalism has destroyed local communities. For example, the decision to privatize Japan's post office placed far too little weight on the institution's long history and the traditional role that its staff held in the local community. It also ignored the non-economic benefits of the Post Office and its value in the community. The logic of the market was used to justify taking such a drastic step.

Under the principle of fraternity, we will not implement policies that leave economic activities in areas relating to human lives and safety, such as agriculture, the environment and medicine, at the mercy of the tides of globalism. Rather, we need to strengthen rules governing the safety of human lives and stability of people's livelihoods. Our responsibility as politicians is to refocus our attention on those non-economic values that have been thrown aside by the march of globalism. We must work on policies that regenerate the ties that bring people together, that take greater account of nature and the environment, that rebuild welfare and medical systems, that provide better education and child rearing support and that address wealth disparities. This is required in order to create an environment in which each individual citizen is able to pursue happiness.

Over recent years, Japan's traditional public services have been eroded. The ties that bring people together have become weaker and the spirit of public service has also dimmed. In today's economic society, economic activities can be divided into four sectors: governmental, corporate, non-profit and household. While the first, second and fourth categories are self-explanatory, by the third category I mean the types of mutual assistance which were once provided by neighborhood associations and which are now also provided through the activities of NPOs. As economic society becomes more advanced and complicated, the scope of services that cannot be provided by the authorities, corporations and family members grows increasingly wide. That is why the more industrialized a country becomes the greater the social role played by NPOs and other non-profit organizations. This is the foundation of 'coexistence'. These activities are not recorded in the gross domestic product, but when working to build a society that has truly high standards of living, the scope and depth of such public services, as provided through non-profit activities, citizen's groups and other social activities, are of great importance. Politics based on 'fraternity' would restore strength to Japan's depleted non-profit (public service) sector. It would expand the non-profit sector into new areas and provide assistance for the people who support these activities. In this way, we aim to build a society of coexistence in which people can rediscover the ties that bring them together, help each other, and find meaning and fulfillment in performing a useful social role.

It is of course true that Japan is currently facing a fiscal crisis. However, 'fraternal politics' aims cautiously yet steadily for the path that will achieve both the restructuring of government finances and the rebuilding of our welfare systems. We reject the Ministry of Finance-led theory of fiscal reconstruction that relies on the imposition of uniform restrictions on, or the abolishment of, social welfare payments and which seeks to take shortcuts by raising consumption tax. Japan's current fiscal crisis is the result of long years of mismanagement by the Liberal Democratic Party. More specifically, it is a reflection of the crisis affecting Japan's economic society which stems from the bureaucrat-led system of centralized government and the indiscriminate spending facilitated by that system, from the social safety net collapse and greater inequality of wealth that results from an uncritical faith in globalism and finally, from the public loss of faith in politics following unhealthy collusion between government, civil service and industry. Therefore, I believe that it will be impossible to overcome Japan's fiscal crisis without devolving power to local authorities, implementing thorough administrative reform and restoring public trust in the sustainability of social security systems, particularly pensions. In other words, resolving our fiscal problems is impossible without comprehensively rebuilding Japan's political systems.


Empowering Local Authorities within the Nation State
When I made a speech announcing my candidacy for President of the DPJ, I stated, "My first political priority" is "reform to move away from a nation state based on centralized power structures and create a nation based on devolved regional power." A similar view was incorporated into the inaugural declaration when we formed the former DPJ 13 years ago. Back then, our aim was to achieve a nation based on regional devolution and empowered local authorities. We intended to achieve this by limiting the role of the national executive and legislature and promoting efficient local administrations vested with significant authority. Furthermore, based on this new system of government, we aimed to establish wide ranging welfare systems based on citizen participation and mutual assistance in the local community while also establishing fiscal, medical and pension systems which do not force debts onto future generations.

Count Coudenhove-Kalergi's "The Fraternal Revolution" (Chapter XII of The Totalitarian State against the Man) contains the following passage: The political requirement of brotherhood is federalism, the natural and organic construction of the state out of its individuals. The path from men to the universe leads through concentric circles: men build families, families communes, communes cantons, cantons states, states continents, continents the planets, the planets the solar system, solar system the universe. In today's language, what Count Coudenhove-Kalergi described is the principle of 'subsidiarity', a modern political approach that has its roots in fraternity.

The truth is that in today's age we cannot avoid economic globalization. However, in the European Union, where economic integration is strong, there is also a noticeable trend of localization. Examples of this included the federalization of Belgium and the separation and independence of the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Within a globalized economic environment, how can we preserve the autonomy of countries and regions, which serve as foundations of tradition and culture? This is an issue of importance not only for the European Union but also for Japan as well.

In response to the conflicting demands of globalism and localization, the European Union has advocated the principle of subsidiarity in the Maastricht Treaty and The European Charter of Local Self-Government. The principle of subsidiarity is not simply a rule that declares that local authorities should always be prioritized, rather it is a principle that can also be invoked to define the relationship between nation states and supranational institutions. We can interpret the principle of subsidiarity from this perspective as follows: Matters that can be dealt with by the individual should be resolved by the individual.  Matters that cannot be resolved by the individual should be resolved with the help of the family. Matters that can not be resolved by the family should be resolved with the help of the local community and NGOs. It is only when matters cannot be resolved at this level that the authorities should become involved. Then of course, matters that can be dealt with by the local government should be resolved by the local government. Matters that cannot be resolved by the local government should be resolved by the next intermediate level of government. Matters that the next level of government cannot handle, for example diplomacy, defense and decisions on macroeconomic policy, should be dealt with by the central government. Finally, even some elements of national sovereignty, such as the issue of currency, should be transferred to supranational institutions like the EU.

The principle of subsidiarity is therefore a policy for devolution which places emphasis on the lowest level of local government. As we search for ways to modernize the concept of fraternity, we find ourselves naturally arriving at the idea of a nation based on regional devolution built upon the principle of subsidiarity. When discussing reform of Japan's local authority system, including the possibility of introducing a system of around 10 or so regional blocs to replace Japan's 47 prefectures, we must not forget to ask the following questions: What is the appropriate size for local authorities (which are embodiments of tradition and culture)? What is the appropriate size of local authorities in terms of their functional efficacy for local residents? During a speech I made at the time of the DPJ Presidential Election, I made the following comments: "I propose limiting the role of central government to diplomacy, defense, fiscal policy, financial policy, resource, energy and environmental policy. I propose transferring to the lowest level of local government the authority, taxation rights and personnel required to provide services closely related to people's livelihoods. I propose creating a framework that will allow local authorities to bear responsibility for making decisions and have the means to implement them. I propose abolishing the current system of central government subsidies (which can only be used for a particular stated purpose) and instead providing a single payment which the local authorities can use at their own discretion. In other words, I will break down the de facto master-servant relationship which exists between the central government and local authorities and replace it with an equal relationship based on shared responsibilities. This reform will improve the overall efficiency of the whole country and facilitate finely-tuned administrative services that take into account local needs and the perspectives of local citizens." The only way for regions to achieve autonomy, self responsibility and the competence to make their own decisions is to transfer a wide range of resources and significant power to the local authorities which are in closest contact with citizens, an approach which also clarifies the relationship between citizens' burdens and the services they receive. This approach will facilitate the invigoration of local economic activities.  It is also a path towards the construction a more distinctive, appealing and beautiful Japan. The establishment of a nation based on empowered local authorities represents the embodiment of a modern politics of fraternity and is highly appropriate as a political goal for our times.


Overcoming Nationalism through an East Asian Community
Another national goal that emerges from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East Asian community. Off course, Japan-US Security Pact will continue to be the cornerstone of Japanese diplomatic policy. Unquestionably, the Japan-US relationship is an important pillar of our diplomacy. However, at the same time, we must not forget our identity as a nation located in Asia. I believe that the East Asian region, which is showing increasing vitality in its economic growth and even closer mutual ties, must be recognized as Japan's basic sphere of being. Therefore we must continue to make efforts to build frameworks for stable economic co-operation and national security across the region.

The recent financial crisis has suggested to many people that the era of American unilateralism may come to an end. It has also made people harbor doubts about the permanence of the dollar as the key global currency. I also feel that as a result of the failure of the Iraq war and the financial crisis, the era of the US-led globalism is coming to an end and that we are moving away from a unipolar world led by the US towards an era of multipolarity. However, at present, there is no one country ready to replace the United States as the world's most dominant country. Neither is there a currency ready to replace the dollar as the world's key currency. Therefore, even if we shift from unipolar to multipolar world, our idea of what to expect is at best vague, and we feel anxiety because the new forms to be taken by global politics and economics remain unclear. I think this describes the essence of the crisis we are now facing.

Although the influence of the US is declining, the US will remain the world's leading military and economic power for the next two to three decades. Current developments show clearly that China, which has by far the world's largest population, will become one of the world's leading economic nations, while also continuing to expand its military power. The size of China's economy will surpass that of Japan in the not too distant future. How should Japan maintain its political and economic independence and protect its national interest when caught between the United States, which is fighting to retain its position as the world's dominant power, and China which is seeking ways to become one? The future international environment surrounding Japan does not seem to be easy. This is a question of concern not only to Japan but also to the small and medium-sized nations in Asia. They want the military power of the US to function effectively for the stability of the region but want to restrain US political and economic excesses. They also want to reduce the militarily threat posed by our neighbor China while ensuring that China's expanding economy develops in an orderly fashion. I believe these are the instinctive demands of the various nations in the region. This is also a major factor accelerating regional integration.

Today, as the supranational political and economic philosophies of Marxism and globalism have, for better or for worse stagnated, nationalism is once again starting to have a major influence on policy-making decisions in various countries. As symbolized by the anti-Japanese riots that occurred in China a few years ago, the spread of the Internet has accelerated the integration of nationalism and populism and the emergence of uncontrollable political turbulence is a very real risk. As we maintain an awareness of this environment and seek to build new structures for international cooperation, we must overcome excessive nationalism in each nation and go down the path towards the rule-building for economic co-operation and national security. Unlike Europe, the countries of this region differ in their population size, development stage and political systems, and therefore economic integration cannot be achieved over the short term. However, I believe that we should aspire to the move towards regional currency integration as a natural extension of the path of the rapid economic growth begun by Japan, followed by South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then achieved by the ASEAN nations and China. We must therefore spare no effort to build the permanent security frameworks essential to underpinning currency integration.

ASEAN, Japan, China (including Hong Kong), South Korea and Taiwan now account for one quarter of the world's gross domestic product. The economic power of the East Asian region and the mutually independent relationships within the region have grown wider and deeper, which is unprecedented. As such, the underlying structures required for the formation of a regional economic bloc are already in place. On the other hand, due to the historical and cultural conflicts existing between the countries of this region, in addition to their conflicting national security interests, we must recognize that there are numerous difficult political issues. The problems of increased militarization and territorial disputes, which stand in the way of regional integration, cannot be resolved by bilateral negotiations between, for example, Japan and South Korea or Japan and China. The more these problems are discussed bilaterally, the greater the risk that citizen's emotions in each country will become inflamed and nationalism will be intensified. Therefore, somewhat paradoxically, I would suggest that the issues which stand in the way of regional integration can only really be resolved through the process of moving towards greater regional integration. For example, the experience of the EU shows us how regional integration can defuse territorial disputes.

When writing a draft proposal for a new Japanese constitution in 2005, I put, in the preamble, the following words on the subject of Japan's national goals for the next half century: We, recognizing the importance of human dignity, seek to enjoy, together with the peoples of the world, the benefits of peace, freedom and democracy, and commit ourselves to work continually and unceasingly towards the goal of establishing a system of permanent and universal economic and social cooperation and a system of collective national security in the international community, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. I believe that not only is this the path we should follow towards realizing the principles of pacifism and multilateral cooperation advocated by the Japanese Constitution, I also believe this is the appropriate path for protecting Japan's political and economic independence and pursuing our national interest from our position between two of the world's great powers, the United States and China. Moreover, this path would represent a contemporary embodiment of the "fraternal revolution" advocated by Count Coudenhove-Kalergi.

Based on this awareness of our intended direction, it becomes clear that, for example, our response to the recent global financial crisis should not be simply to provide the kind of limited support measures previously employed by the IMF and the World Bank. Rather, we should be working towards a possible idea of the future common Asian currency. Establishing a common Asian currency will likely take more than 10 years. For such a single currency to bring about political integration will surely take longer still. Due to the seriousness of the ongoing global economic crisis, some people may wonder why I am taking the time to discuss this seemingly extraneous topic. However, I believe that the more chaotic, unclear and uncertain the problems we face, the higher and greater are the goals to which politicians should lead the people.

We are currently standing at a turning point in global history, and therefore our resolve and vision are being tested, not only in terms of our ability to formulate policies to stimulate the domestic economy, but also in terms of how we try to build a new global political and economic order. I would like to conclude by quoting the words of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, the father of the EU, written 85 years ago, when he published Pan-Europa.

"All great historical ideas started as a utopian dream and ended with reality".
"Whether a particular idea remains as a utopian dream or it can become reality depends on the number of people who believe in the ideal and their ability to act upon it."


This text is a translation of an article published in Japanese in the September edition of the magazine Voice.

 出典:鳩山由紀夫ホームページ 2009年8月10日「私の政治哲学」

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